Raasay Text Summary

Raasay

 

Principal Sources

 

RMS VI (453) 1596

RMS VII (298) 1610 on original dated 1609

RMS IX (654) 1637 on original dated 1636

 

RSS I (675) 1501 (Snizort, Raasay & Waternish)

RSS I (1532) 1507

RSS I (3524) 1526 (Snizort & Raasay)

RSS III (2358) 1547

 

Inverness Retours (50) 1630, (109) 1688

NLS MS19308 f4 1739

 

RS37/6/136r 1638

 

RHP 1308 >1846

 

CRA pp 3-4, 1561; 122-125, 1626

 

C Fraser-Mackintosh, Excerpta e Sasinarum Registris Vice-comitatum de Inverness, Vol II, No 210 1823, Inverness, 1872.

Vol III, No 483 1836.

 

Duanagan, Dain is Dualchas, Raasay Heritage Trust, 2001

Macfarlane’s Geographical Collections Vol II, pp 221-2, 532

N MacLeod, Raasay, Edinburgh, 2002

R Sharpe, Raasay, a study in Island history, London, 1982

R Sharpe, Raasay, a study in Island history, documents and sources – people and places. London, 1978

WF Skene, Celtic Scotland III, p 433

 

 

Our knowledge of the mediaeval farms of Raasay comes from a handful of late documents, starting with RMS VI (453) 1596. These are broadly consistent with each other and list the settlements from Clachan, in the south-western corner of the island, north to Arnish and then southwards down the east coast. The estate of Raasay consisted of the islands of Raasay, Fladda and Rona along with a portion of Trotternish in Skye. We have Samuel Johnson’s evidence in 1773 that Rona was then utilised solely for its grazing. The evidence from early documents suggests that this was always the case. The only area of difficulty is with regard to the settlements between Hallaig and Eyre in the south-eastern corner of the island. At least three names can no longer be traced – Libost, Laggan and Achro.

 

Although we have lists of farms we have no evidence at all of their values either in pennylands or merklands. The whole of Raasay (including Rona and Fladda) was valued at 8 merks (see for instance Skene’s source at the end of the sixteenth century). On the basis that the conversion ratio between merks and ouncelands was the same as in Skye then this would mean a total value of two ouncelands or 40d. However I do not know of a single valuation which stipulates pennylands. Neither do I know the merkland valuations. The earliest evidence from rentals comes in 1827 and is insufficient to form any conclusions.

 

(Rebecca Mackay, Osgaig, has kindly informed me of two pennyland place-names: Peighinn a’ Ghobha (the smith’s pennyland) in Clachan and another with the same name near Dun Canna. N. Macleod (Raasay p 51) has indicated how the latter may have received its title and I suspect that both are late intrusions).

 

Raasay, therefore, is one of a handful of islands in the northern Hebrides that offer no evidence for the pennyland system of land valuation. This was not because of a dearth of Viking settlers. At least half of the settlement names in the earliest document are unequivocally Norse. Why is this not reflected in the land-assessment system?

 

One reason might be ownership. There are several references to the Bishop of the Isles either owning or having a superiority over Raasay and Rona. Sharpe acknowledges this, lists the various references, but claims that ‘the bishop was owed no more than certain rents’. I disagree, and think that all the evidence points to Raasay having once been a church estate which fell into lay hands before or during the sixteenth century. In this context it is important to remember its connection with the lands of Ungnacille (literally: the ounceland of the church) in Skye.

 

In the early mediaeval period there was an important ecclesiastical establishment on an island at the mouth of the River Snizort. Raasay may well have been linked with these lands in Trotternish for many centuries before 1596. Together they may have comprised the mensal or household farms for the Bishop’s establishment in Skye. In turn the Bishop’s demesne may have succeeded that of an early monastic community in the area. If this was the case then it may have been recognised as sacred property by the new Viking settlers who rapidly became Christian themselves. This could be the explanation for the absence of pennylands in Raasay. When pennylands were first introduced, about 1000 AD, it may have been felt inappropriate that they should be applied to this particular church property – although they were imposed on the Ungnacille estate in Skye.

 

RSS I (1532) of 1507 concerns the 4m of Morournycht and the 4m of Ungoworrw in Trotternish. Now 4m in Skye and Raasay were equivalent to an ounceland so this document is giving the names of two ouncelands (or davachs). Neither name can be traced today but the latter is probably for (tir)ung + garbh (i.e. rough ounceland). Despite the fact that they are said to be in Trotternish I think they may actually be the names of the two ouncelands of Raasay, the rough one being the more northerly.

 

Finally we have one late document which is at variance with the above. NLS MS19308 f4 1739 gives 4 davochs for Raasay.

 

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