Renfrewshire General Sources
There are a number of general sources I have used for this county and I list here some of the most important. Where a source only applies to one parish I have given it within the parish text summary.
Elsewhere I have discussed the importance of ‘Taxt Rolls’ as a means of retrieving information about ‘Auld Extent’ valuations. These were probably maintained from the earliest days of merkland assessments and kept by officers within each sheriffdom. Most have gone the way of all flesh but we do have some copies, for instance one for Fife in 1294; another for Edinburgh in 1479. There were probably also some central or national records, such as those presented to parliament in 1366. From the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries we have copies from most sheriffdoms. Some of these were printed along with Purves’s ‘Revenue of the Scottish Crown, 1681’ (see below). They are given in Appendix I under the heading ‘The Retoured Dewties of the Haill Shyres’. Unfortunately, we are not given the source for this document but in Mackie’s notes on ‘Thomas Thomson’s Memorial on Old Extent’ he drew attention to the Sir Lewis Stewart collections. These are found in National Library of Scotland Adv.MS.22.1.14. This gives copies of most of the Taxt Rolls of the sheriffdoms of Scotland, many of them made up, or copied, at various dates in the sixteenth century. They very specifically indicate ‘Auld Extent’, itself a constant, so although the copies may be late there are grounds for thinking the valuations they give may date back to the twelfth century.
I have not done any full comparison between the data offered by Purves and that offered in the Stewart collections. However I have compared the data concerning Renfrewshire, Inverness and Ross, and the Lordship of the Isles. For these, it is obvious that Purves and Stewart share a common original. (In general terms I have preferred Stewart’s data as the slightly more accurate). As far as Renfrewshire is concerned I have then compared Stewart’s ‘Auld Extent’ valuations with those for which we have other evidence. It is not always possible to make these comparisons, for instance when Stewart gives us the valuation for the whole of a very large estate, the precise constituents of which we do not know. However, where we can make comparisons the valuations match in almost all cases. This is valuable confirmation of ‘Auld Extent’ valuations. Accordingly I have entered this data in the individual tables.
Crawfurd, G., A Genealogical History of the Royal and Illustrious Family of the Stewarts, from the year 1034 to the Year 1710 …, Edinburgh, 1710. (Hereafter ‘Crawfurd, 1710’).
A digital version of this is viewable on Google:
Robertson, G., A general description of the Shire of Renfrew …, Paisley, 1818. (Hereafter ‘Robertson, 1818’. This is a continuation of Crawfurd above).
Descriptions of the Sheriffdoms of Lanark and Renfrew, compiled about 1710 by William Hamilton of Wishaw, Maitland Club, Glasgow, 1831. (Hereafter ‘Wishaw’).
Reports on the State of Certain Parishes in Scotland, 1627, Maitland Club, Edinburgh, 1835
(This volume only contains entries for two parishes in Renfrewshire: Greenock pp 190-192, and Houstoune pp 193-4).
Cameron Lees, J., ‘The Abbey of Paisley’, Paisley, 1878, (hereafter ‘Cameron Lees’).
The New Statistical Account of Scotland, Vol VII, Edinburgh, 1845:
General Observations on the County of Renfrew pp 528-566.
Metcalfe, W.M. (ed.), Charters and Documents relating to the Burgh of Paisley, Paisley, 1902,
(hereafter, ‘Metcalfe (1902)’).
Metcalfe, W.M., A History of the County of Renfrew, Paisley, 1905, (hereafter, ‘Metcalfe (1905)’).
Metcalfe, W.M., A History of Paisley 600-1908, Paisley, 1909, (hereafter, ‘Metcalfe (1909)’).
Metcalfe, W.M. (ed.), The Lordship of Paisley, Paisley, 1912.
Munimenta Alme Universitatis Glasguensis. (Records of the University of Glasgow). C. Innes. Maitland Club, Glasgow, 1854, Vol 1.
Macfarlane’s Geographical Collections Vol. II, Scottish History Society, Edinburgh, 1907, pp 201-210, ‘A Description of Renfrewshyre from some loose unbound sheets’. (No author, no date, but from internal evidence not too long after 1695).
Macfarlane’s Geographical Collections Vol. III, Scottish History Society, Edinburgh, 1908, pp 125-127, ‘Description of the Sheriffdom of Ranfrow … by … Schaw of Greenok and Mr James Montgomerie of Weitlands’. (AHC Volume I, No 22, footnote 5, p 67, dates this to between 1647-1653. A rationale is provided in ‘Wishaw’ p 140, who also prints this description on pp 140-141).
Macfarlane’s Geographical Collections Vol. III, Scottish History Society, Edinburgh, 1908, pp 210-218. (No author, no date).
- Malden, (ed.) The Monastery & Abbey of Paisley, Renfrewshire Local History Forum, Glasgow, 2000 (hereafter ‘Malden’).
- Durkan, ‘Paisley Abbey in the Sixteenth Century’. This was published in the ‘Innes Review, Volume XXVII, Issue 2, Autumn 1976, and reprinted on pp 55-68 of Malden above.
Registrum Monasterii de Passelet, (for the Maitland Club), Paisley, 1877. (First issued in 1832, editor not named but was Cosmo Innes. Pages 185-200 are numbered 189-204 in 1877 impression. The second set of pages 201-204 have a little asterisk beside the page number). (Hereafter ‘RMP’). This consists of nearly 400 documents which, unfortunately, are not numbered – so usually I have identified them by the pages they are printed on. There is a listing, compiled by W.W. Scott in 1970, and available under:
Paisley[1] (wordpress.com) (accessed 8/6/2024)
This is invaluable for dating purposes and I have made use of Scott’s numbers.
The documents are almost always in Latin. A number of translations or abstracts can be found in Metcalfe (1902), or the Charters of the Abbey of Crosraguel.
(W.W. Scott also has an article called ‘The Register of Paisley Abbey: A Reappraisal’, pp 149-160, in Malden above).
Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, Volumes I & II, Edinburgh, 1843. (Hereafter ‘REG I’ or ‘II’).
There is a listing by N.F. Shead and I.C. Cunningham which gives dates for many of the documents listed in the Register. It is available at:
Glasgow (wordpress.com) (accessed 16/06/24)
Liber Collegii Nostre Domine/Munimenta Fratrum Predicatorum de Glasgu, ed., Joseph Robertson, Maitland Club, Glasgow, 1846.
Liber protocollorum M. Cuthberti Simonis (Cuthbert Simon), 1499-1513; eds., Bain, J., & Rogers, C., London, 1875. English abstracts Vol I; Latin text Vol II.
Instrumenta Publica sive Processus super Fidelitatibus et Homagiis Scotorum Domino Regi Angliae factis AD 1291-1296, The Bannatyne Club, Edinburgh, 1834. (Hereafter: ‘Ragman Rolls’)
Archaeological and Historical Collections relating to the County of Renfrew, Parish of Lochwinnoch: Volume 1, Paisley 1885; Volume 2, Paisley 1890. (Hereafter ‘AHC’).
Volume 2 contains the Semple Rental of 1644. Caveat – there are 2 x No 174 in Volume 2. In the parish accounts I have distinguished these by using page numbers as well as document numbers.
Charters of the Abbey of Crosraguel, Volumes I & II, Ayrshire and Galloway Archaeological Association, Edinburgh, 1886. (A number of documents in Volume I are partial or complete copies from the Paisley Register, here given with translations or abstracts).
Barrow, G.W.S., The Kingdom of the Scots, London, 1973 (hereafter: ‘Barrow, 1973’).
(In particular Part III, Chapter 10: The beginnings of military feudalism; Chapter 11: Scotland’s ‘Norman’ families; Chapter 12: The earliest Stewarts and their lands).
Barrow, G.W.S., The Anglo-Norman Era in Scottish History, Oxford, 1980
Barrow, G.W.S., Scotland’s experience of feudalism in the twelfth century, History Teaching Review Year Book, Volume 14, 2000, pp 5-9
Neilson, G., Birkenside and the Stewardship of Scotland, History of Berwickshire Naturalists’ Club, Vol XXIV, pp 126-147, (1919-1922) Edinburgh, 1923.
Regesta Regum Scottorum, Handlist of the Acts of Alexander II, 1214-1249, compiled by J.W. Scoular, Edinburgh, 1959
Regesta Regum Scottorum, Handlist of the Acts of Alexander III, The Guardians, John, 1249-1296, compiled by G.G. Simpson, Edinburgh, 1960
Palgrave, F., Documents and Records illustrating the History of Scotland, Volume I, 1837
Illustrations of the Topography and Antiquities of the Shires of Aberdeen and Banff, Volume IV, The Spalding Club, Aberdeen, 1862.
Bowen, E.G., The Cult of St. Brigit, Studia Celtica 7-9, 1972-4, pp 33-47.
Cowan, I.B., Mackay, P.H.R. & Macquarrie, A. The Knights of St John of Jerusalem in Scotland, Scottish History Society, Edinburgh, 1983.
Papal Letters to Scotland of Clement VII of Avignon 1378-1394, C. Burns (ed.), Edinburgh, 1976
Calendar of Papal Letters to Scotland of Benedict XIII of Avignon, 1394-1419, F. McGurk (ed.), Scottish History Society, Edinburgh, 1976
The Apostolic Camera and Scottish Benefices, 1418-1488, A.I. Cameron (ed.), Oxford, 1934
Calendar of Scottish Supplications to Rome, 1418-1422, E.R. Lindsay & A.I. Cameron (eds.), Scottish History Society, Edinburgh, 1934
Calendar of Scottish Supplications to Rome, 1423-1428, A.I. Dunlop (ed.), Scottish History Society, Edinburgh, 1956
Calendar of Scottish Supplications to Rome Vol. IV, 1433-1447, A.I. Dunlop & D. MacLauchlan (eds.), University of Gasgow Press, 1983
Calendar of Scottish Supplications to Rome, Vol V, 1447-1471, J. Kirk, R.J. Tanner & A.I. Dunlop, (eds.), Scottish Academic Press for the University of Glasgow, 1997
Calendar of Scottish Supplications to Rome, Vol VI, 1471-1492, A. Macquarrie, R.J. Tanner & A.I. Dunlop, (eds.), Scottish Record Society, 2017
Calendar of Scottish Supplications to Clement VII and Benedict XIII of Avignon, 1378-1419, C. Burns (ed.), Scottish Record Society, 2021
Topographical Account of the Distict of Cunningham, Ayrshire. Maitland Club, Glasgow, 1858.
- Hughson, ‘The Sculptured Stones of Govan and Renfrewshire’, Renfrewshire Local History Forum Journal Vol. 6 (1994)
- Topen, ‘The Castle and Lands of Stanely, Paisley, Renfrewshire’, Renfrewshire Local History Forum Occasional Paper No. 7, 2003.
- Nisbet, ‘The Archaeology of the Lime Industry in Renfrewshire’, Renfrewshire Local History Forum Journal Vol. 13 (2005-6).
J.N. Moore, ‘The Early Cartography of Renfrewshire’, Renfrewshire Local History Forum Occasional Paper No. 6 (Revised), 2016.
Wilson, J., General View of the Agriculture of Renfrewshire, Paisley, 1812.
G.W.S. Barrow, The Gilbertine House at Dalmilling, Ayrshire Archaeological and Natural History Society Collections, Volume 4, 1955, pp 50-67.
- Edwards, ‘The Order of Sempringham, and its connexion with the west of Scotland’, Transactions of the Glasgow Archaeological Society, New Series: Volume V, Part I, Glasgow, 1905 pp 66-95.
J.T.T. Brown, ‘The Inquest of David: Text, Translation and Notes’, Transactions of the Glasgow Archaeological Society, New Series: Vol VIII, Part III, Glasgow, 1933, pp 103-119.
C.A. Ralegh Radford, ‘The Early Christian Monuments at Govan and Inchinnan’, Transactions of the Glasgow Archaeological Society, New Series: Vol XV, Part IV, Edinburgh, 1967, pp 173-188.
C.R. Cheney, ‘Manx Synodal Statutes, A.D. 1230(?)-1351, Part I: Introduction and Latin Texts’ in Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies, 7, Summer 1984, pp 63-89.
C.R. Cheney, ‘Manx Synodal Statutes, A.D. 1230(?)-1351, Part II: Translation of Latin Texts’ in Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies, 8, Winter 1984, pp 51-63.
Fraser, W., The Lennox, Volumes I & II, Edinburgh, 1874
- Fraser, The Annandale Family Book, Volume I, Edinburgh, 1894.
A.Macquarrie, ‘Notes on some charters of the Bruces of Annandale’, in Transactions of the Dumfries and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society, Vol 58, 1983.
Purves, W., Revenue of the Scottish Crown, 1681, ed., Murray Rose, D., Edinburgh, 1897
Place-Names
Ordnance Survey Name Books (hereafter OSNBs) for Renfrewshire Parishes at:
Renfrewshire OS Name Books, 1856-1857 | ScotlandsPlaces
A.C. Whyte, with K. Forsyth & S. Taylor, Glasgow’s Gaelic Place-Names, Edinburgh, 2023
Mawer A., Stenton F.M., Houghton F.T.S., The Place-names of Worcestershire, Cambridge 1927, reissued 1969. (English Place-name Society Vol IV).
Gover J.E.B., Mawer A., Stenton F.M., in collaboration with Houghton F.T.S., The Place-names of Warwickshire, Cambridge 1936, reprinted 1970. (English Place-name Society Vol XIII).
Gover J.E.B., Mawer A., Stenton F.M., The Place-names of Wiltshire, Cambridge, 1939. (English Place-name Society Vol XVI).
Armstrong A.M., Mawer A., Stenton F.M., Dickins B., The Place-names of Cumberland, Part I, Cambridge, 1950, reprinted 1971. (English Place-name Society Vol XX).
Armstrong A.M., Mawer A., Stenton F.M., Dickins B., The Place-names of Cumberland, Part II, Cambridge, 1950, reprinted 1971. (English Place-name Society Vol XXI).
Armstrong A.M., Mawer A., Stenton F.M., Dickins B., The Place-names of Cumberland, Part III, Cambridge, 1952, reprinted 1971. (English Place-name Society Vol XXII).
Smith A.H., The Place-names of Westmorland, Part I, Cambridge, 1967. (English Place-name Society Vol XLII).
Smith A.H., The Place-names of Westmorland, Part II, Cambridge, 1967. (English Place-name Society Vol XLIII).
Gelling M., in collaboration with Foxall H.D.G., The Place-names of Shropshire Part I, English Place-name Society, 1990. (English Place-name Society Vol LXII/LXIII).
Gelling M., in collaboration with Foxall H.D.G., The Place-names of Shropshire Part II, English Place-name Society, 1995. (English Place-name Society Vol LXX).
Gelling M., in collaboration with Foxall H.D.G., The Place-names of Shropshire Part III, English Place-name Society, 2001. (English Place-name Society Vol LXXVI).
Gelling M., in collaboration with Champion W. and Foxall H.D.G., The Place-names of Shropshire Part IV, English Place-name Society, 2004. (English Place-name Society Vol LXXX).
Gelling M., in collaboration with Foxall H.D.G., The Place-names of Shropshire Part V, English Place-name Society, 2006. (English Place-name Society Vol LXXXII).
Gelling M., in collaboration with Foxall H.D.G., The Place-names of Shropshire Part VI, English Place-name Society, 2012. (English Place-name Society Vol LXXXIX).
Baker J., with Beach S., The Place-names of Shropshire Part VII, English Place-name Society, 2018. (English Place-name Society Vol XCII).
Baker J. & Carroll, J. with Beach, S. & Watt, H., The Place-names of Shropshire Part VIII, English Place-name Society, Nottingham, 2020. (English Place-name Society Vol XCV).
Cavill, P. with Beach, S., The Place-Names of Shropshire, Part IX, English Place-name Society, Nottingham, 2020. (English Place-name Society Vol XCVI).
Lennon W., Leah names in the Anglo-Saxon charters of Wiltshire, Proceedings of the Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Volume 102, 2009, pp 175-187.
Cavill, P., A New Dictionary of English Field-names, English Place-Name Society, Nottingham, 2018.
The National Library of Scotland has an excellent online Digital Map Library. It also offers a variety of supporting materials such as a place-name index to the Pont maps compiled by Dr Bob Henery.
Street Maps
Much of Renfrewshire, particularly around Glasgow and Paisley, has become very urbanised over the last 150 years. Even in the OS 6” 1st edition maps of the 1850s we find farms where all is now suburbia. These OS maps are invaluable for locating old settlement sites but we can also find information on a a street atlas.
Planners have long favoured place-names for streets in new developments. So we have Invergordon, Inverness and Inverurie used as names many miles from their respective homes. Some names are particularly popular: Iona gives its name to a Drive in Paisley, a Road in Renfrew, another in Rutherglen, and a Street in Glasgow. Between Garscadden and Knightswood the developers favoured place-names from other parts of Renfrewshire. Such choices can sometimes make it difficult to tell what is truly local and what is imported. But there is no doubt street-names can provide important clues to the location of now-lost farms and settlements.
In Eastwood, for example, Linthaugh Road, Dormanside Road, Damshot Crescent, Neilsland Oval, Braidcraft Road, Maidland Road, help us locate some of the smallest erstwhile settlements. This is valuable cartographic evidence so, in the tables, I have used such data in the following manner:
Maidland Road, Geog(raphia) O11 49. (This follows the format of the Geographia Index which identifies the relevant square on page 49 with the reference O11 where O is the row and 11 is the column).
Boundaries
These were often uncertain – by landowner, parish and county.
Wilson, J., General View of the Agriculture of Renfrewshire, 1812, p 127 writes:
The marches on the confines of Ayrshire are not distinctly ascertained, so that 330 acres of this moor are disputed, and doubts entertained to what county, what parish, and what heritors these belong. The old extent, or oldest valuation, affords a pretty accurate view of the proportions of the moor of Mistylaw belonging to each heritor.
RHP141546 1852 shows the boundary between the counties of Renfrewshire and Ayr.
Earliest Stewart possessions
The possessions of the Stewart family in Renfrewshire go back to the charter of confirmation by King Malcolm to Walter, son of Alan. (Printed in APS I p 82 [black] or p 92 [red]; RMP Appendix pp 1-2 which W.W. Scott dates as probably 1161; RRS I (184) pp 225-6, dated to 1161 or 1162). This charter states that the gift had originally been made by Malcolm’s grandfather, David I. The lands are listed (in RRS version) as Reinfreu (Renfrew), Passeleth (Paisley), Polloc (Pollok), Talahret, Ketkert (Cathcart), le Drep (Dripps, Lanarkshire), le Muerne (Mearns), Egglesham (Eaglesham), Louhenauhe (Lochwinnoch), Innerwic (Innerwick, East Lothian). Further, King Malcolm grants Walter as much of Perthec (Partick) as King David had in his own hand, Inchenan (Inchinnan), Steintun (Stenton, East Lothian), Hauestanesdene (Hassendean, Roxburghshire), Leggardeswude (Legerwood, Berwickshire), Bircheneside (Birkenside, Berwickshire). (For translation see Metcalfe (1902) pp 2-3 or Neilson (1923) pp 140-142).
Of the Renfrewshire possessions the only one that cannot be traced is Talahret (Neilson & RRS). The only later place-name which shows a clear resemblance is Talgart which appears in ER X p 772 1496 which is a sasine to John Cathkart of the lands of Cathkert, Talgart and Bogtoun. If this is the same, then Talahret was in Cathcart. The only lands in Cathcart which appear similar are Taggartland (which is also Tancartland), or possibly Clincart, neither being persuasive.
(Neilson suggested (p 140) Hurlet for Talahret. I do not find this convincing. Talahret must have been a place of some importance and the absence of early records naming Hurlet suggests it was relatively insignificant).
Intrusive terms
When looking at the issue of land-assessment in Renfrewshire it is important to focus on intrusive terms. What words do we find in early documents which tell us about the local land-assessment situation? Some of these, such as nummata (pennyland) or carucata (carucate) or bovata (bovate), allow us to then make comparisons with other parts of Scotland.
One such term, which I have only come across once in a Paisley context, and not often, even in a Scottish context, is the word cultura. We come across it in England and Professor Barrow wondered if it meant the same as a furlong. I’m not sure that it does but it is also possible that, like some other land-assessment terms, its precise meaning depended somewhat on context. Cultura means a piece of cultivated or tilled land, arable land, – but how much land are we talking about?
The Paisley example is found in RMP p 116; WW Scott No 117 1173 x 1200; NLS downloadable PDF p 174. The word is not in doubt – cultura in the title, culturam in the text. The land was not actually in Renfrewshire but in Innerwick, East Lothian. The donor was Nicholas de Costentin, one of the Normans who probably came in the train of Walter, the first Stewart. I know of no other example in the Paisley Register but the fact that it was recorded suggests that the twelfth-century monks were conversant with it. It was a foreign import. It did not flourish in a Renfrewshire context. But it prompts us to wonder at other contemporary terms such as carucate and bovate. We find them, but were they just ‘one-generation’ terms? Later evidence suggests that none of these established themselves in Renfrewshire.
(For those interested in following up on ‘culturae’ it would be worth looking at pages lviii-lix of F. Stenton’s ‘Documents Illustrative of the Social and Economic History of the Danelaw’, London, 1920).
Paisley Register/Cartulary
The preeminent source for the early history of Renfrewshire is the cartulary of Paisley Abbey. We do not have the early charters themselves, but we have a transcript of them made in the early sixteenth century. This was edited by Cosmo Innes and published as the Register of Paisley Abbey in 1832. (See above under ‘Registrum Monasterii de Passelet’). However, we also have to consider the possibility that some of the early charters survived until at least the early part of the eighteenth century. There are two reasons for thinking this. Firstly, an account in Macfarlane’s Geographical Collections, Vol. III, p 218, writes of Paisley Abbey:
There is extant a Register of all the Charters granted to the Abbacy, which together with the Charters themselves are preserved.
Secondly, there are details in Crawfurd’s account of 1710 which suggest he may have consulted more than just the transcript that now serves as the Paisley Register. For example, when talking of Walkinshaw in Renfrew parish he refers to documents in the ‘Chartulary of Pasly’ which do not appear in the Register. Did Crawfurd have access to a collection of Charters, not all of which made their way into the transcript of the early sixteenth century? We cannot answer this question so it depends on how much credence we give to George Crawfurd’s evidence.
David I’s Inquest
Although of great interest to the history of twelfth-century Scotland I have not touched on this at any length here. The text, and translation, are given by J.T.T. Brown (see above). See Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, Maitland Club, 1843, for Latin text. Hamilton of Wishaw also gives the text and some notes on pp 155-160. I have struggled with some of his notes so have not used them.
Perhaps the most interesting part of the Inquest lies in the names and place-names. These do not have direct relevance for Renfrewshire although we should note three instances of churches with carucates of land. They give the flavour of a standard endowment in parts of southern Scotland.
What was there before the Norman invasion?
Technically of course there was no Norman invasion of Renfrewshire. The Stewarts, and their adherents, came in the train of King David I. They were allocated huge estates, on which they settled themselves and their followers. But this begs numerous questions. Who preceded them in those estates? What happened to those previous owners? What language(s) did they speak? What land-assessment system(s) did they work with? With whom did they connect?
There is precious little in the written record to help us with these questions. But there are some answers hidden in the place-name record, and some hints of earlier land-assessment systems do survive in later documents and place-names.
Firstly we should acknowledge the scale of the upheaval which took place in the middle of the twelfth century. Professor Barrow has recorded the names and origins of many of the Norman settlers in Renfrewshire. But we do not know the names of those who were displaced. With the arrival of the first Stewarts, Mongomeries, Crocs etc there must have been massive social dislocation. Huge areas of Renfrewshire now came under new owners. We do not know what happened to the earlier owners and large tenants. Were they killed in armed conflict? Did they flee? Were they simply submerged into the ranks of lowly tenants? To what extent did they intermarry with the new arrivals?
As far as language is concerned we can tell something from the place-name record. The names themselves are examined more closely in the Renfrewshire place-names folder. However, in general terms we can compare those settlement names most closely associated with particular language-speaking groups. So, we would bracket names beginning with achadh (field) or baile (township) with a Gaelic-speaking population. What the place-name record tells us is that there were names beginning with Ach- or Auch- (< achadh), but in relatively limited numbers. There are very few names beginning with Bal- (<baile). (Names in baile are thought to be a rather later development in Gaelic naming practice so paucity here suggests this evolution did not take place in Renfrewshire). What is interesting about the names beginning with achadh is that a number of them were large and significant farms. This suggests that Gaelic-speaking lords were at the top of the social and economic tree at some period between the Dalriadic invasions and the Norman influx.
But, in terms of settlement names as a whole, the number of those in Gaelic is very small in comparison with those in English. The best proof of this is in the names ending in ‘-ston’ or ‘-stoun’ where the name is of the form Hugh’s town, Roger’s town etc. There are also names such as Ingliston which simply means English-town and suggests a colony of settlers, presumably brought in by Norman overlords.
There are other significant names we should look at. There are lots of names ending in Gaelic barr (a small hill), but these can quite often be hybrid e.g. Mathowbar – presumably for Matthew’s Barr. There are some ending in ‘-land’ – again of the type Philip’s land. Then we have any number of names ending in -lee which may be from the Anglo-Saxon term -leah which is a clearing in a woodland. One distinctive Renfrewshire name, which I have not noticed anywhere further north on the west coast, is Wraes. This can be spelled in a bewildering variety of ways: Raiss, Wraes, Vreas, or with a prefix such as Rywraes, Gryffeswrays etc.
However the overall feel is that the majority of settlement names are in English, not Gaelic, and much of that process may have started in the twelfth century with the arrival of the Stewarts.
Earlier land-assessment systems
We do see the shadow of early land-assessment systems. There are a number of pennylands in Renfrewshire but, with two possible exceptions, I have not found names for halfpennylands or farthing lands – even though there is plenty of evidence for these in other parts of southwest Scotland. What is particularly interesting is when we meet a name like Dippany which suggests a Gaelic-Norse interaction. Most Dippens are actually ‘dubh-pheighinns’ (black pennylands) not ‘dà-pheighinns’ (two pennylands) but the prefix is certainly Gaelic. What this implies is a Gaelic-speaking landed gentry working with a land-assessment system originally imposed on Renfrewshire either by the Norse, or by Gaelic lords brought up within the Norse fiscal tradition.
We should expect this tradition to have arrived on the western seaboard first, and then worked its way inland. It probably came shortly after the year 995 AD. It is unlikely to have been imposed after about 1065 because the Hiberno-Norse currency was fairly stable and robust until the end of Phase III, before becoming hopelessly degenerate by 1100. The time for ‘pennylands’ to become embedded in Renfrewshire is from about 995 AD to 1065 AD – and probably nearer the beginning of that period.
Another intriguing aspect of the pennyland system in SW Scotland is the presence (outside Renfrewshire) of names in ‘farden’ as well as ‘feoirlinn’. The former word suggests a farthing-land from an English/Norse perspective, the latter a farthing-land mediated through Gaelic. As with Dippany we meet influences from speakers of different languages.
To support this we could point to the existence ot two pennyland kirks in Largs and Inverkip. The kirk pennyland of Inverkip was still remembered in 1694. Largs is recorded as a ‘penny worth land’ in the Paisley Rental; Inverkip as a ‘nummata terre’ (penny of land) in the Paisley Cartulary.
Finally we could point to Somerled of Argyll. Somerled offered resistance to Kings David and Malcolm of Scotland. His invasion and death, near Renfrew, in 1164, may have had something to do with Stewart dominance in Renfrewshire. We can only guess as to his motives but it is possible that his invasion was partly about the loss of control felt by an older Gaelic/Norse aristocracy in Renfrewshire. Was Somerled’s invasion somehow linked to the displacement of old local families by the Norman intruders?
Finally, for a discussion about davachs see the file ‘Davachs in Renfrewshire?’
Temple Lands in Renfrewshire
There were a fair number of templelands in Renfrewshire but I have decided not to deal with them as a group. Many of them were very small, a rood or two here, an acre there. It is also difficult to be certain, when they have monetary figures attached, whether we are dealing with a rent or a valuation. I have therefore only drawn attention to them when we are certain of a valuation. Another problem is that a record might refer to a ‘templeland of X’ when actually all that is being referred to is that small part of X which was the templeland.
The issue has been covered by others so I draw attention to the following sources:
T.C. Welsh, The Renfrewshire Templelands, in Renfrewshire Local History Forum Journal Vol. 3 (1991-2)
Cowan, I.B., Mackay, P.H.R. & Macquarrie, A. The Knights of St John of Jerusalem in Scotland, Scottish History Society, Edinburgh, 1983, pp 15, 21, 81-82, 84-86, 223-225.
Scottish Historical Review, Vol. 12, Glasgow, 1915, pp 328-331.
Scottish Historical Review, Vol. 19, Glasgow, 1922, pp 202-204.
Carved Stones
One of the most exciting and intriguing aspects of Early Mediaeval Scotland is the rich legacy of carved stones. Although Govan is not actually in Renfrewshire its influence must have been widely felt in the neighbouring parishes. Since it does not bear directly on land-assessment I have put this line of research to one side. Nevertheless Renfrewshire has a number of carved stones that deserve and reward attention.
Churches and Churchlands in Renfrewshire
RMP pp 5-6, W.W. Scott No 8, 1165 x 1173, is a charter from Walter, son of Alan, to Paisley monastery, of various lands and churches, including the church of Katkert (Cathcart), all the churches of Stragrif except Inchinan, the church of Paisley.
RMP p 7, W.W. Scott No 9, 1165 x 1173 is a gift from Walter, son of Alan, to Paisley monastery, of all the churches of Stragrif except Inchinnan. They are not named but this will probably mean Kilbarchan, Houston, Killallan and Kilmacolm. It will not have included Innerkip or Lochwinnoch. He also gave the church of Ketkert (Cathcart). This document is shorter than Scott’s No 8 above and is more concerned with churches.
RMP pp 112-113, WW Scott No 111, 1173 x 1177: Baldwin, sheriff of Lanark, which shire then included Renfrew, gives the church of Inverkip to Paisley monastery.
RMP pp 11-12, W.W. Scott No 12, 1179 x 1196, by Alan, son of Walter, confirmed the contents of No’s 8 & 9 above.
RMP pp 408-410, W.W. Scott No 361, 1173, is a confirmation by Pope Alexander III, to Prior Osbert and his monks. Churches specified include Ketkert (Cathcart), all the churches of Stragryf except Inchennan.
The issue of episcopal dues was the subject of RMP p 325, W.W. Scott No 289, 1220. The monastery itself was declared exempt from procurations and synodal dues. That exemption did not extend to the monastery’s churches but the rate was capped at 4s synodal dues annually. W.W. Scott comments that this is the earliest known reference to the Abbot of Paisley.
RMP pp 410-414, W.W. Scott No 362, 1226, is a confirmation by Pope Honorius III of Paisley’s churches and lands. The very first item mentioned is the chapel of ‘Louchwinnoc’ (Lochwinnoch) with its pertinents. Perhaps this indicates it had recently been brought to the attention of the Pope’s officials. The other Renfrewshire churches given were Kathkert, Polloc, Mernes, Neliston, Kilbarchan, ‘de villa Hugonis’ (a literal Latin rendering of Houstoun or ‘Hugh’s toun’), Kilhelan, Kilmacolme, Innirkeyp, with chapels and other pertinents. Other lands, possessions and income streams are then rehearsed.
Happily, we have another version of Pope Honorius’s confirmation, printed by Theiner (1864) No LIX p 23. There are some minor differences in wording and spelling; it is not surprising that Theiner had more difficulty than the Paisley scribes with ‘toft’ and ‘infangthief’. Equally some contractions look to have been expanded differently: ‘cujusdam’ in Paisley is ‘cuiuslibet’ in Theiner. It is very useful to have a double-check on place-names and personal names. ‘Hunreberie’ in Paisley makes much more sense as Hunteleie (Huntlaw) in Theiner. Likewise ‘Dumals’ in Ireland (Paisley) is Dunmals in Theiner. But this cuts both ways. Grimketel (Paisley) is preferable to the less likely Grunketel in Theiner. All this said, the only material difference I can find between the two versions is that Theiner includes ‘Hirskin’ (Erskine) in the list of churches in Paisley’s possession. Erskine does not appear in the Paisley cartulary. Why not? Probably because Erskine was ceded to the Bishop of Glasgow in 1227 (see RMP pp 323-325, W.W. Scott No 288, 1227, below). What survives as the Paisley Cartulary is actually a sixteenth-century transcript, either of the original documents, or of an earlier transcript of the originals. Erskine may have been in the original Paisley list, but silently omitted from later copies in light of its cession to Glasgow.
(There is an English abstract of Theiner’s document in Bliss, Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers: Papal Letters, Volume I, 1893, pp 106-107).
There were many years of dispute between the monks of Paisley and the Bishop of Glasgow about money. One issue was the taxation of the vicarages of those churches which belonged to Paisley. At heart was a concern that, when the monastery appropriated a church, the vicars serving the cure should be properly paid. The monastery might be tempted to garner every source of income; the bishop wanted to ensure that souls were adequately cared for. He needed the vicars to be funded.
RMP pp 318-323, W.W. Scott No 287, 1469, concerns the making of a transumpt, or transcription, of a deal struck between the Abbey and the Bishop at Peebles in 1227. The vicarages (payments made to the vicars) were set down in detail. (The term ‘altarage’ may have encompassed all sorts of church donations, perhaps originally made at the altar, probably placed on it). The following refer to the churches of Renfrewshire:
The vicar of Inverkip has 100 shillings in altarage.
The vicar of Kilmacolme has 100 shillings in altarage.
The vicar of Kilhelan (Killallan) has all the altarage and one chalder of meal (probably oatmeal)
The vicar of Houston has the altarage and three chalders of meal.
The vicar of Kilberchan has all the altarage in name of vicarage
The vicar of Polloc has the altarage and two chalders of meal and 5 acres of land next to the church, the rest of the land falls to the use of the monks.
The vicar of Kathkert has the altarage and three chalders of meal.
The vicar of Mernes has 100 shillings or the altarage with two bovates of land next to the church, the rest of the land falls to the use of the monks.
The church of Neliston (Neilston) falls to the use of the monks, provided that the monks present suitable chaplains to the bishop, who answer for the episcopal dues.
A chalder was a measure of grain, equivalent to 16 bolls. The phrase ‘falls to the use of the monks’ means that item was excluded from the reckoning and left entirely in monastic possession. The churches of Pollock and Mearns had come with land, but only a small part of that was reserved for the vicars. A bovate might mean about 13 acres, two bovates therefore 26 acres.
For some reason the church of Neilston, (along with the churches of Rosneath and Saint Nicholas of Prestwick), was not safeguarded in the same way.
100s (£5) per annum was plainly a standard payment in 1227.
It is noticeable that some vicars were better paid than others. There is a temptation to conclude that this was because they had larger parishes with more parishioners. Rather, it may have been due to the nature of their endowments. The vicar of Houston did much better than the vicar of neighbouring Killallan, despite the fact that the latter may have been a larger parish with a higher valuation. The reason may have been because of the generosity of their benefactors in the Houston family.
There is no reference to the churches of Erskine (which had been ceded to Glasgow – see above) or Lochwinnoch. For the latter see RMP pp 113-114, WW Scott No 113, 1202 x 1207 and RMP p 88, WW Scott No 81, 1241 x 14 January 1247, (or AHC Volume I, No 6, with an English abstract on p 33), which make clear that Lochwinnoch was still only classed as a chapel.
The above deal was ratified by the chapter of Glasgow in RMP pp 326-7, W.W. Scott No 291, 1227 x 1232.
RMP pp 344-348, W.W. Scott No 308, 1470, is a transumpt of documents detailing this agreement about vicarage payments. Firstly there is a papal confirmation of Gregory IX dated 1228; then there is a further confirmation by Pope Clement IV dated 1265; then there is the dean and chapter’s ratification given just above. One interesting detail revealed in Clement’s Bull is that the churches of St Nicholas of Prestwick, Neilston and Rosneath had for 35 years or more, been served by secular chaplains rather than vicars. This was typical of the dangers of monastic appropriation.
RMP p 418, W.W. Scott No 369, 1265, is another version of Clement IV’s confirmation given immediately above.
Clement IV issued a general confirmation of Paisley’s possessions in 1265. This is included in a transumpt made in 1469. (RMP pp 308-314, W.W. Scott No 283, 1469). There are some interesting additions. For the first time the list of Paisley’s churches includes ‘Hestwod’ (Eastwood) as well as Polloc. The chapel of ‘Lochwynoc’ starts the list, which includes Harskyn (Erskine). The carucate of land between the ‘Kert’ (Cart) and the ‘Grif’ (Gryfe) is described ‘que nunc Insula appellatur’ (which is now called Inch). The Scots place-name Inch is derived from Gaelic innis (island) and is frequently applied to islands and low-lying meadows in this area. There are a number of place-names including Inch along this stretch of the Clyde. (For a full discussion about the location of this Inch see under Renfrew parish table). There is also a clause ‘Et le Graynis que nunc Drumgrane vocatur’ (and the Grange now called Drumgrane). Grange and Drumgrane are now two separate places. The former is just outside Renfrewshire, the latter in Neilston parish (q.v.). There is a reference to some land in the ‘toun’ of Polloc. A place called ‘Castelside’ is mentioned by Hyllington.
(Cameron Lees gives a translation of Clement IV’s Bull on pp 72-77 of ‘The Abbey of Paisley’).
It turns out that the table of vicarage charges was not the only thing decided at the meeting in Peebles. RMP pp 323-325, W.W. Scott No 288, 1227, deals with the procurations payable from those churches which belonged to Paisley monastery within the diocese of Glasgow. (See also REG I No 143, pp 121-122). These procurations specifically concerned the maintenance of visiting officials and were reckoned in terms of so many ‘hospitia’ or rights of lodging. Maintaining the entourage of a visiting bishop, or his officials, would be expensive so the issue here was to establish a table of charges. No doubt each ‘hospitium’ was carefully defined in terms of food, drink and maintenance; for visitor, servants and horses.
The churches in Stathgrif (collectively) owed two ‘hospitia’; Kilpatrik owed one; Curmannoc and Merness owed one; Ruthreglen, Kathkert and Polloc owed one; Cragyn and Prestwic (of the monks) owed one; Turnberi owed one. The churches of Prestwic burgh, Nelston and Nevith (Rosneath) were exempt. It was also agreed that the church of Yrskin (Erskine), which then belonged to the monastery of Paisley, would fall to the use of the Bishop of Glasgow and his successors. Some churches (presumably the more poorly resourced ones) combined to provide these lodgings (e.g. Rutherglen, Cathcart and Pollock). Kilpatrick could pay on its own. We can surmise the visitations might cover up to 3 churches in a 24-hour period. The total number of ‘hospitia’ provided comes to seven. (REG I pp 124-5 No 146, Shead and Cunningham No 146, 1229 x ?, gives different permutations but the same total of 7 ‘hospitia’). We have useful confirmation of this in the following document.
Ecclesastical disputes about money rumbled on. RMP pp 327-328, W.W. Scott, No 292, 1239, updates the compromise reached about lodgings in 1227. Bishop William starts by rehearsing the deal struck in 1227, including the cession of Erskine church from monastery to bishop. He lists the relevant churches and states they they were supposed to provide seven ‘hospitia’. This total matches that agreed in 1227 but it is useful that the bishop gives the names of all the churches involved. They were: Kilpatrik, Neuit, Innirkip, Kilmacolm, Kilelan, Houston, Kilberchan, Neliston, Polloc, Mernis, Ruthirglen, Catkert, Curmannoc, Prestwic (of the monks), Prestwic burgh, Cragin and Turnebirie. (The churches of Strath Gryffe were Kilmacolm, Kilelan, Houston and Kilberchan. Innirkip must have been classed with them, though geographically not in Strath Gryfe). It appears Paisley had reneged on the deal so a new agreement was struck, to begin in 1240.
It is worth stressing the support which the church received from the secular arm towards raising ‘teinds’. ‘Teinds’ are the Scottish equivalent of tithes in England, a tax, nominally of one-tenth of produce, to maintain the church. ‘Garbal’ teinds or parsonage teinds were raised on grain crops. Vicarage teinds were raised on other produce, (lambs, butter, cheese etc) and were regarded as of lesser importance. Teinds, and their extraction, were the source of centuries of dispute but the point to be noted here is the support given by laymen to help the church gather its taxes. We can note the following documents:
REG I p 15 No 13, Shead and Cunningham No 13, 1153 x 1165; also in RRS I (258).
REG I p 17 No 17, Shead and Cunningham No 17, 1166 x 1167 or 1178 x 1179; Bull by Pope Alexander III.
REG I p 117 No 139, Shead and Cunningham No 139, 1225; obligation by Duncan, Lord of Carrick, Ayrshire. (The list of taxable items is similar to REG I p 15 No 13).
REG I p 119 No 141, Shead and Cunningham No 141, 1227; charter by Maldouen, earl of Lennox. (This is couched in very similar terms to that of Duncan of Carrick).
These documents, and there were others, show the concerted efforts, by clergy and laity alike, to put the church on a sound financial footing.
Sources not covered
It may seem curious, in any work that is attempting completeness, to address those sources which have not been researched. But, in the hope that one day these studies may become complete, I give here those resources which I have not been able to access. Sometimes that is because they are located in faraway places. Sometimes it is because they have not been looked at by others, at all, and remain in their original state, neither transcribed, translated, nor scanned. Some would require years of work to analyse. They fall under headings such as Sasines, Notarial Protocol Books, Poll Tax Rolls and Estate Maps. There will be others I do not even know about.
I have not studied the Cartulary held at Paisley Museum, mentioned by Malden in his Editorial p 1 (see Malden).
Sasines
Of the signal services performed by Alasdair Ross with regard to land-assessment, one of the most important was to establish sasines as a critical source. National records began to be kept in the early seventeenth century so it is only from then that we have a reasonably complete dataset. They are available in the National Records of Scotland and many have been scanned for viewing on their internal system of ‘Virtual Volumes’. At the time of writing they are not yet available over the Internet – but it is to be hoped that one day they will be. Although the scans lose a little data in the gutter they can be enlarged and read onscreen. Fortunately, property names are often repeated two or three times in any one document, which allows for cross-checking and validation. Over the years some printed indexes have been compiled for certain counties. Inverness, Ross, Cromarty, and Sutherland, have been well-served with three volumes of indexes to the Secretary’s and Particular Registers of Sasines, covering most of the period 1606-1780. For Argyllshire, Herbert Campbell published two volumes of Abstracts in 1933-4. Renfrewshire has not been so fortunate.
For those wishing to pursue a study of the Renfrewshire Sasines it would be worth looking at the following in the NRS online catalogue:
Particular Register of Sasines:
RS53 Renfrew & Barony of Glasgow First Series 1641-1657
RS54 Renfrew & Barony of Glasgow Second Series 1661-1871
There are later General Registers of sasines from 1869, such as RS114 Renfrew, but with sasines, as with all historical data, the earlier the better. Land-assessment data became corrupted with every century passing. See also:
B62 Records of Renfrew Burgh, 1738-1929, B62/4 Index to Register of Sasines, 1864-1929
Notarial Protocol Books
Those Notarial Protocol Books which are kept in the National Records of Scotland are indexed under the heading NP1. The set currently runs from NP1/1 to NP1/207 but there are also entries such as NP1/2A etc. Those which have particular relevance for Renfrewshire are given below:
(Taken from NRS online Catalogue)
NP1/8 Notarial protocol book of John Crawfurd, 1541-1550, Ayr, Renfrew (Some extracts from this appear in MacKenzie, pp 205, 260, 276-277).
NP1/20 Notarial protocol book of John Robeson 1558-1563, Edinburgh, Renfrew
NP1/48 Notarial protocol book of John Vaus 1586-1610, Renfrew
NP1/59 Notarial protocol book of Thomas Inglis 1597-1608, Renfrew, Ayr, Dunblane, Lanark
NP1/165 Notarial protocol book of William Selkrig 1655-1659 Ayr, Lanark, Renfrew, Dumbarton, Wigtown
NP1/171 Notarial protocol book of John McGilchrist, 1627-1656, Bute, (also Argyll, Ayr, Renfrew)
NP1/174 Notarial protocol book of John Cameron, 1890-1931, Renfrew (Greenock)
NP1/177 Notarial protocol book of Robert Wilson, 1930-1933, Renfrew (Greenock)
NP1/197 Notarial protocol book of unnamed notary 1510-1543, Paisley area: [Constantine Steward]
NP1/198 Notarial protocol book of unnamed notary, 1538-1546, [? John McQuhin]: Mainly relating to monastery of Paisley.
NP1/199 Notarial protocol book of unnamed notary, 1552-1558, Paisley area
NP1/200 Notarial protocol book of John Kessane, clerk, 1552, 1558, 1563-1567, Glasgow diocese, Paisley area. Also contains a style book.
NP1/201 Notarial protocol book of John Vaus, elder, 1575-1588, Paisley area
GD212/1/61 Section 1 pp 14-15 are apparently Maitland Thomson’s notes on the Protocol Books of John Robeson. I have not yet been able to check if this is the same notary as in NP1/20 (above).
Durkan discusses and uses NP1/197, NP1/198 and NP1/200 in his article on Paisley Abbey (see Malden above). See also article by John Malden called ‘Some Renfrewshire Notaries and Their Signs’ on pp 161-168 of Malden above.
Metcalfe prints some documents which show that protocol books were themselves regarded as items of importance by contemporaries. In Appendix III, pp 129-132, c. 1605-1619, he gives a rental of all the duties belonging to the altars of the Parish Kirk of Paisley. These rentals included references to entries in protocol books which were plainly regarded as supporting evidence.
Under the ‘Lady Altar’ (i.e. to the Virgin Mary) we find that a tenement, lying on the south side of the High Street, had been given to the Lady Altar ‘as ane Instrument, in Mr Waltir Steuards prothogoll buik beris, datit 8 Augusti, anno 1511’ (as an Instrument in Mr Walter Stewart’s protocol book bears, dated 8 August 1511).
There was also an acre which had been mortified to this Altar ‘as instrument beris in Mr Walter Steuards prothogoll, 22 June, 1518, & i uther be Sir John Hendirsones instrument 4 martij 1535’, (i.e. Mr Walter Stewart’s protocol book is quoted again under 22 June 1518; the second clause is more ambiguous but it may be that we are not talking of ‘1 other’ acre so much as ‘1 other’ instrument as supporting evidence, perhaps derived from a protocol book of Sir John Henderson and dated 4 March 1535).
Under St Peter’s Altar (p 130) there is a list of the various renders:
There were 6 tenants of the ‘Yard Heiddis’ of Caversbank who paid 12 shillings in total.
Two tenements in the Prior’s Croft paid 13s 4d.
Three acres in the ‘Bredlandis’ paid 5s.
Two roods in the Prior’s Croft paid 3s
Then follows a summary note:
‘All thir wes mortefeit be umquhill Wm Pirie witht consent of Abbot & convent as i chartor thairof beris datit 20 Octobris anno 1520, & seasing past thairon be Sir Constentin Steuard, notar 4 Julii 1521’, (all these were mortified by the late William Pirie with consent of Abbot and convent as a charter thereof bears, dated 20 October 1520, and sasine passed thereon by Sir Constantine Stewart, notary, 4 July 1521).
I have not checked NP1/197 (above), which is Constantine Stewart’s protocol book, to see if there is a matching entry.
Under Saint Katherine’s Altar (p 131) we find these references:
‘… in Sir Constantine Steuards prothogoll, dait 13 August 1525’.
‘… Mr Walter Steuards prothogoll 31 Martij 1516’.
‘as j instrument of Mr Waltir Steuard beris daitit 18 Februarij, 1498’.
What these quotations establish is that not only are surviving protocol books valuable repositories of data, but that they were regarded as authoritative in the past. Within a century of being written, they were being quoted as evidence.
We have one other piece of evidence about Saint Ninian’s Altar which ties in with the above. RMS IV (2520) 1575-6, on original of 1571, is a royal confirmation of a charter by Master John Makquhin, sometime chaplain of the Altar of Saint Ninian, formerly located in the parish church of Paisley. This, with licence of the prior and convent of Paisley monastery, patrons of the said altar, set in feufarm to Thomas Inglis, burgess of Paisley, the tenement or house called ‘Sanct-Ninianis-hous’ with its garden, in the vennel (lane) called ‘Wattir-raw’ next to the Water of Cart (White Cart). The Reddendo or return was 12s plus 16d by way of increase of rental (making a total of 13s 4d).
In the rental quoted by Metcalfe, dated c.1605-1619, we find the following entry under Saint Ninian’s Altar:
The Sclaithouss at the wattirsyd [waterside] & little yard thairof, now Thomas Inglis … 13s 4d.
Is this the Saint Ninian’s House in the ‘Water-row’ next to the White Cart, set by John Maquhin to Thomas Inglis in 1571? Was the Thomas Inglis of 1605-1619 the same man, or perhaps a son with the same name, of the burgess of 1571? Is the Master John Makquhin, former chaplain of St Ninian’s Altar, the unnamed notary responsible for NP1/198 (above) which is mainly concerned with the monastery of Paisley?
Metcalfe, p 178, gives a document of 1596 which refers to the late ‘Mr William Stewart, Notar’ (Notary) in the context of a sasine of 1514. There is also reference to Johne Sunderland, burgess, ‘haifar and keipir of the said Prothogell Buik’ (holder and keeper of the said Protocol Book). The following paragraph (p 179) illustrates the status held by notaries and their protocol books at the time:
Becaus the Prothogell of the said instrument abovewritten being written with the hands of the said Mr Wm. Stewart, Notar thairto, conteinit in the Prothogell Buik producit, being his awin Prothogell Buik, and that he wes reput and haldin ane trew famous and legall notar in his tyme was justlie recognisit and provin as wes clerlie understaud to the saids baillies.
As a final example of the authority of notaries and their protocol books we can refer to a dispute about Clook in Lochwinnoch parish in May 1548 (AHC Vol. 2 No 132 pp 15-16). The Action was brought by the tenant, John Luif (Love), against Margaret Boyle and Ninian Symple, son to William, Lord Symple (Semple). Both Margaret and Ninian claimed the rent. Margaret was the widow of William Montgomery and produced a lease to the late William from the Abbot and Convent of Paisley, dated 29 April 1525. It was subscribed by William Steward, ‘scribe’ of the Regality of Paisley. That was enough for the Lords of Council who declared in favour of Margaret Boyle.
Poll Tax Rolls
There are three printed sources which make use of Poll Tax Rolls from 1695. The first is Archaeological and Historical Collections relating to the County of Renfrew, Parish of Lochwinnoch: Volume 2, pp 181-197, which gives the returns for Lochwinnoch. (The transcript was made by David Semple in 1864). The second is MacKenzie, Kilbarchan – A Parish History, which gives the returns for Kilbarchan on pp 118-141. These contain some valuations which, albeit late, are still useful. More importantly, they give the names of contemporary settlement sites. The third is Metcalfe’s ‘A History of Paisley 600-1908’, which gives the Poll Tax Returns for the town of Paisley on pp 471-497, and for the surrounding parish of Paisley on pp 498-529. The latter part is very useful for giving settlement names within estates.
MacKenzie writes (p 119): “The manuscript of Poll Tax Rolls for Renfrewshire was discovered by the late Mr David Semple, writer, Paisley. In 1864 they were published in the Glasgow Herald”. I have not yet researched The Glasgow Herald for 1864 to see if Mr Semple transcribed the returns for other parishes in Renfrewshire.
There are some Poll Tax Rolls which can be viewed on the Internet. The ‘ScotlandsPlaces’ website gives them at:
Poll tax rolls, 1694-1698 | ScotlandsPlaces
There are nine items which deal with returns from Renfrewshire.
E70/12/1 & E70/12/2 deal with returns from Houstoun in 1694-5.
E70/12/3 & E70/12/4 deal with returns from Inchinnan in 1694 (both are damaged).
E70/12/5 & E70/12/6 deal with returns from Kilbarchan in 1695.
E70/12/7 & E70/12/8 deal with returns from Killellan in 1694-5.
E70/12/9 deals with returns from Kilmacolm in 1695-6.
I have looked at the returns for Houstoun and Killellan – which have not yet been transcribed. They contain no land-assessment data but they do give the names of a number of properties in each parish. These are useful in distinguishing between the two parishes.
I have not yet made use of the returns for Inchinnan or Kilmacolm; or checked the published returns for Kilbarchan against the originals.
Maps
In his publication ‘The Early Cartography of Renfrewshire’ (see above) J.N. Moore has drawn attention to the archive of John Watt, now held in the Library of Birmingham. He has also supplied a comprehensive list of sources on pp 49-50. The National Library of Scotland has an online digital map library which makes available a wide range of county and estate maps for Renfrewshire. These I have studied. But J.N. Moore’s article makes me painfully aware of just how much more in the way of cartographic resource remains untapped. Maps do not usually provide direct information about land-assessment – but they do provide information about farms, estates, boundaries, churches, chapels, burial-grounds, wells, woodland, drainage, archaeological features and place-names. All these are invaluable in any study of land-assessment.
Roads not travelled
It is impossible to look at twelfth-century Renfrewshire without acknowledging the debt to Professor Barrow. Some of his contributions are listed above and there is no better place to start looking at the Norman families who populated this area and the culture they brought with them. In order to concentrate on land-assesment I have resisted any temptation to study these families in Renfrewshire. I have also avoided all matters to do with the Order of Sempringham. In brief, Paisley Abbey benefitted from the failure to establish a Gilbertine house in Ayrshire. Paisley’s property portfolio was significantly enhanced when that venture was abandoned. Those who are interested may wish to follow the articles by Edwards and Barrow given above. Barrow gives translations and summaries of some of the original documents.
There is also the question of how Paisley monastery started. The prior and monks were plucked from Shropshire, bringing their language, customs and ritual with them. Both they, and the Renfrewshire Norman families, probably retained their connections with Shropshire for some time after the acquisition of their new estates. I have not explored these themes but there are surviving cartularies from other Shropshire religious houses. There is undoubtedly a book to be written about what the first Normans in Renfrewshire brought with them in terms of culture, diplomatic practice, and sponsorship of religion – and how long the links with Shropshire were retained.
Here is a listing of some relevant cartularies in Shropshire & Gloucester:
- Morris, (ed.), Abstract of the Grants and Charters contained in the Chartulary of Wombridge Priory, Co. Salop., Transactions of the Shropshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, Volume IX, Part III, 1886
- Rees, (ed.), The Cartulary of Shrewsbury Abbey, Volumes I & II, Aberystwyth, 1975
- Rees, (ed.), The Cartulary of Haughmond Abbey, Shropshire Archaeological Society and University of Wales Press, Cardiff, 1985
- Rees, (ed.), The Cartulary of Lilleshall Abbey, Shropshire Archaeological and Historical Society, 1997
R.B. Patterson, (ed.), Original Acta of St Peter’s Abbey, Gloucester, c. 1122-1263, The Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, 1998
RMP p 78 (WW Scott No 71, c. 1200 x 1219) is a document concerning the establishment of two chapels by Robert Croc and Henry de Nes. Dependent chapels were always a matter which greatly exercised religious authorities. Abbeys, and churches, had no wish to see their position, or income, threatened by upstart chapels which might become a focal point for pilgrimage. As a result ‘mother churches’ were always keen to preserve their rights, and jealous of their privileges. One of the witnesses to this document was ‘Reinnaldo de Winloch’. If ‘Winloch’ means Wenlock then the presence, in Scotland, of one Reinnaldo of Wenlock c. 1200-1219, suggests that contact was being maintained about half-a-century after the foundation of Paisley monastery. Was Reinnaldo perhaps summoned to give advice on this thorny issue of allowing chapels? There was a ‘Reinaldo, prior of Wonlok’ who appears in the Shrewsbury Cartulary, No 334 1138 x 1148. This seems too early for our Paisley document but maybe another, later, monk shared the name.
Ragman Roll
During the period that is now known as the Wars of Independence there were two occasions when significant numbers of Scots landed gentry were constrained to make allegiance to Edward I. Lists were compiled of those who were compliant and these date from 1291 and 1296. They are colloquially known as ‘The Ragman Rolls’ and were published by The Bannatyne Club in 1834 under the title ‘Instrumenta Publica sive Processus super fidelitatibus et homagiis Scotorum Domino Regi Angliae Factis A.D. MCCXCI – MCCXCVI’.
Earlier historians have picked on some of the names from Renfrewshire but I don’t believe their extracts have done justice to the Renfrewshire contingent. There are hundreds of names scattered through the two documents. Some of the greater nobles feature on several pages. But it is the humbler knights and landowners who perhaps give a truer picture of the scale of what was going on. It should not surprise us to see clusters of local names. It is very likely that the men from Renfrewshire knew each other well, many would have been related to each other. They probably travelled as a group and presented themselves as a group. This would be for reasons of friendship as well as security. The times were dangerous and there was safety in numbers.
There are two sections in particular when we can see the men of Renfrewshire together. Renfrewshire at this time was still part of Lanark so they tend to be defined as ‘of the county of Lanark’. The first section is printed on pages 143-144; the second section is on pages 166-167. Other groups behaved similarly. The section on pages 145-146 contains a number of men from the Lennox.
Where we only have a forename and a surname it is difficult to prove much. There were Flemings, for example, in a number of different counties, and in a number of parts of Renfrewshire. But when the surname is itself a place-name, or where we only have a first name followed by a place-name, then we can begin to pin things down. In the following list I have excluded all those names where we have insufficient information to fix the name to a particular area of Renfrewshire. So Robert de la Chaumbre (p 143) and William de la Chaumbre (p 144) may well have members of the Chalmer family which later had half of Craigenfeoch in Paisley parish. But because we cannot prove it I have excluded them, along with several other possible candidates.
Here follow some likely candidates:
pp 143-144 (1296)
Finlau de Hustoñ Chiualer (i.e. Finlay de Houstoun, Knight)
Huwe de Danielstoñ Chiualer (Hugh of Danielstoun/Dennistoun, Knight)
Johan le Seneschal Chiualer (John the Steward, Knight)
Aleyn le fiz Nicol (Alan, son of Nicol – perhaps of Strath Gryfe, see reference on p 166 below)
Thomas de Raulfestoñ (Thomas of Ralfstoun/Ralstoun?)
Herbert de Gledestañ (Herbert of Gladstone)
Gyles del Estwode (Giles or Gillies of Eastwood). ‘Gilisio de Estwode’ was a witness to RMP pp 92-96, W.W. Scott No 87, 1295); ‘Giliseo de Estwod’ was a witness to RMP p 237, W.W. Scott No 242, 1309 x 1319).
Patrik de Seluenland (Patrick of Selvieland)
pp 166-167 (1296)
William fiz Nicol de Stragrif (William, son of Nicol, of Strath Gryfe)
Pieres de Carnwedry (Piers of Carnwadric)
Pieres de Pollok (Piers of Pollok)
Dauid de Cressewell (David of Christswell?)
William le Porter (William the Porter)
Henry de Foultoñ (Henry of Foultoun)
Robert Cruk de Fingaldestoñ (Robert Crok of Fingaltoun)
Johan Hunter de la foreste de Passelay (John Hunter of the forest of Paisley)
William de Coughran (William of Cochran)
Pieres fiz Gerard de Stragrif (Piers, son of Gerard of Strath Gryfe)
Huwe le Hunter de Stragrif (Hugh the Hunter of Strath Gryfe)
Richard le Hunter de Stragrif (Richard the Hunter of Strath Gryfe)
Thomas le Brewester de la foreste de Passeleye (Thomas the Brewer of the forest of Paisley)
Phelippe de Perthay (Philip of Partick)
Thomas le Wrighte de la Blakehalle (Thomas, the wright, of Blackhall)
Gilbert fiz Gregoire de Cronrotheryk (Gilbert, son of Gregory, of Cronrotherick)
Gotherik fiz Matheu de Cronrotheryk (Gotherick, son of Matthew of Cronrotherick)
William Knightesoñ de Egleshaem (William Knightsoun of Eaglesham)
Johann de la Cragge (John of the Crag)
John Petyt de Miernes (John Petit of Mearns) – but note that there is also a Mernes in Ayrshire
Alisaundre Scot de Pertheyk (Alexander Scot of Partick)
Hugh de Grenok (Hugh of Greenock)
Since this blog is primarily about land-assessment this is not the place to follow through on all these names and the links they may provide. Many of the place-names given here are still recognisable today. There are plenty of intriguing possibilities. Is Philip of Partick the name behind the elusive ‘Philpisland’. Is Alexander Scot behind ‘Scotstoun’? Does Herbert of Gladstone hail from a Gladstone in Renfrewshire, on another one elsewhere? Did John Petit of Mearns belong to a local family of that name who may be behind the name Petit-Auchingown? Is Thomas, the wright, responsible for the name Wrightland (Paisley parish and Inchinnan parish)? What relationship does the name Cronrotherick have with other similar-sounding names in Renfrewshire such as Carnwadric, Boderickfield and Clochodrick?
There is also the issue of tying these names in with other evidence in the historical record. RH1/2/627 1283-1294 is (according to the NRS catalogue entry) a Charter by James the Steward of Scotland to Thomas, called the Brewster, of the land near Paisley called Sauserland, with pasture in the Park of Black Hall and the Rais. In Inverkip parish there was a family called Lounders who gave their name to Lunderston and also seem to have possessed a place called Brousterland which was probably nearby. Given the links between Blackhall and Ardgowan (Inverkip) it is not hard to see how this document would end up in the possession of the Ardgowan Estate Office. Is this ‘Thomas, called the Brewster’ of 1283-1294 the same as ‘Thomas le Brewester’ of 1296?
The summary table shows c. 2125 merklands in Renfrewshire.
The taxt rolls supplied by Lewis Stewart, excluding properties not now in Renfrewshire, give £1235 13s 10d or 1853 merks 7s 2d.
The returns to parliament in 1366 only show the ‘true value’ for Renfrewshire at £535 9s 8d. Renfrewshire was then part of Lanarkshire. If we assumed a similar ratio (Auld Extent to True Value) then a computed total for Renfrewshire would be about £1236 or c. 1854 merks. This is close to Stewart’s figure and a little under that shown in my table. The figures are mutually supportive.
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